Chronology of events for Louis Joseph Wauthy...

SHD/GR 21 YC 171 - "service registers for non-commissioned officers and enlisted men of the line infantry (1802 to 1815)". LW is in YC 171. (Is YC a battalion within a regiment? Is GR group?)

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For future reference, for any service person in France...

...the following is available. This is a difficult site, use a webpage translator if you need one...

• link to the home page of the Memoires des Hommes site
• link to a front door at the mémoire des hommes website where there is access to records for all 156 Line Infantry Regiments.
• link to Recruitment and Individual Career Paths page, select Troop Control Registers and Personnel Registers, "registers which list, by unit, all the soldiers and low officers who served during a given period".
• link to a search engine page, select Control Registers & Registration Registers (1683-1815)
• link to downloadable databases
• link to the page where the next image can be viewed is provided and explained below

The sets of records available include: Personnel registers of the Ancien Régime (1682-1793); Service registers of non-commissioned officers and enlisted men of the Imperial Guard (1799-1815); Service registers of non-commissioned officers and enlisted men of the Line Infantry (1802-1815).

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The full page this was taken from is available at this external link (page numbered 287, it is the 290th page of the 554-page set). And it is also stored locally on this site. Pages 1 through 3 of this document set are bureaucratic instructions for filling out the forms. Notably, page one states that these registrants are for the "19 régiment d'infanterie de ligne" (19th Line Infantry Regiment). 6 records per page ending on full page 503, or 500 pages of registrations, but the last registration number is 5,973 so there must be some incomplete pages. (After a brief investigation, having two registrations numbering 3,755 and two numbered 3,756 doesn't help.) Page 504 has a form that looks like it is relieving someone of their duties. The last 49 pages have the surnames grouped by first letter, with the groups in alpha sequence.

Taille (height) :	1.71 meters	(5' 7")	(average)
Visage (face) :	rond (round)	Front (forehead) :	bau, ban, bas (low)?
Yeux (eyes) :	grise (grey)	Nez (nose) :	long (long)
Bouche (mouth) :	moyenne (medium, average)	Menton (chin) :	rond (round)
Cheveux (hair colour) :	noir (black)	Sourcils (eyebrows) :	noir (black)

Besides this subjective description, the record does show Louis Joseph Wauthy was 1 meter 71 centimeters tall, not quite 5' 7". The average male height in many European countries at the time was around 5' 5" to 5' 7" for common men. Nutrition, the availability of good food, and having the means to acquire it played a part.

Below his name is written: "fils de (son of) Pierre Joseph (Wauthy) et de Marie Julienne Dimanche". "né (born) le six avril 1788 à Biesme, canton de Fosses-de-Ville, department de Sambre & Meuse". A canton was a subdivision of a department.

The department of Sambre-et-Meuse is a former French administrative district whose capital was Namur. Created in 1795, dissolved in 1814, this coincides with the occupation of Wallonia by French forces.

"Dates of arrival in the corps, and last residence of the conscripts or their replacements; voluntary enlistments; requisitioners; and incorporated soldiers." "Battalion or squadron, and company." "Ranks, actions of brilliance, and certificates of honor." If he is in the infantry, there may be some sense to the rank "fantier".

In the column that may translate as: "Dates and Reasons for Excursions of the Corps. Death. Previous service. Wounds and war campaigns.", are details about LW deserting just 24 days after arrival.

This is the portion of the record that describes the desertion. Translated with assistance from MW: "Deserted September 25th, 1807. Judged in absentia October 30th, 1807. Acquitted June 19th, 1808." Different people made entries, it seems, which is why the handwriting is not uniform.

Why did he desert, and why was he acquitted? Both questions might be answered by the early death of his father.

"Pierre Joseph Wauthy died December 12, 1807, in Biesme, Mettet, Namur, Belgium, at age 53."

LW had just arrived on September 1st, and 24 days later he deserts. If his father had a serious sudden illness come upon him, like a heart attack or cancer, LW might have got wind of it and tried to get home.

The text goes on to say "jugé par contumace" (judged in absentia) October 30th, 1807. This may mean that LW hasn't been arrested yet or the judgment was handed down "in absentia", without legal representation or testimony by the accused. (This appears to have been overwritten on the words "acquitté le", as if the next line was being written in here out of turn.

ChatGPT: "Trial in absentia: If an accused soldier refused to attend the court-martial, was deemed unfit to stand trial due to illness or other reasons, or simply couldn't be brought to the trial for logistical reasons, (a trial) could proceed in their absence."

Being acquitted June 19th, 1808 may have cleared LW's name, but there is nothing conclusive yet to say he has returned to service until the next line, which appears to say that LW has been "passé au 22nd régiment de ligne", translated as "transferred to the 22nd Line Infantry Regiment", on May 16, 1811. Being transferred was not an individual event (i.e. not a personal request). Others in his unit have the exact same entry in their records.

While it first appeared that the 1807 desertion is the anticipated desertion of a Feuillen Wauthy descendant who would go on to change his name to Thibeau, this is not so. LW is still in the French Army.

In his brief time at large, LW would have experienced the difficulties in moving about as a fugitive. Anyone of his age would be expected to be in the army. One couldn't just walk about in uniform. Each man carried "livrets", identification papers, that would not be easily replaced or forged. He would have needed an alias. There would likely have been checkpoints on roadways and roving patrols. There may have been witnesses, people that LW told what he was about to do before he left camp. He would need food and shelter. His likely destination would be known. All of this would have contributed to quick capture.

ChatGPT: "During the Napoleonic era, French people typically carried identification papers known as "livrets." Livrets were small booklets or passports that served as personal identification documents. These identification papers were introduced during the French Revolution and continued to be used throughout the Napoleonic era.

Livrets contained essential information about the individual, such as their name, age, occupation, place of birth, and physical characteristics. They also included details about the person's nationality and sometimes their residence or travel permissions. Livrets were issued by local authorities, and citizens were required to carry them as a means of identification and to prove their identity when necessary.

Livrets were particularly important for military personnel, as they served as military identification documents and recorded an individual's service history, unit, and rank. For soldiers, the livret also contained records of their promotions, campaigns, and other military achievements.

Carrying a livret was mandatory in France during the Napoleonic era, and failure to present one when requested by authorities could lead to suspicion or legal consequences. The use of livrets was part of the French government's efforts to maintain control over the population, ensure security, and enforce conscription and military service during the tumultuous times of the Napoleonic era."

Three years in the 19th...

Initially, Louis Joseph Wauthy would have been instructed to report somewhere to begin his training. While there was a large center known as the Boulogne Camp on the Channel coast about 30 km from Calais that was training soldiers for a planned invasion of England, it is more likely that LW would have been told to report to a much smaller camp for new recruits closer to his home. Once basic training had been completed and he had been assessed and pronounced fit and ready, he would have been transported with others, or would have marched with others, to wherever his regiment was located at that time.

Napolun.com: "the mainstay of the French army throughout the Napoleonic wars was the long-suffering, hard-marching infantry regiments and battalions".

So, where was the 19th Line Infantry Regiment from June 19th, 1808 when Louis Joseph Wauthy was acquitted until May 16th, 1811 when he was transferred to the 22nd Line Infantry Regiment?

Regimental war record for the 19th Line Infantry Regiment: Battles and Combats.

Wikipedia: "In 1809, the French military presence in the Confederation of the Rhine was diminished as Napoleon transferred a number of soldiers to fight in the Peninsular War."

A painting by Charles Turner, Battle of Sierra de Busaco above St. Antonio de Cantaro, September 7th, 1810. Yale Center for British Art.

This illustration gives an idea of what a battlefield might have looked like. Highly visible Redcoats (English) and Bluecoats (French) in lines of fixed-bayonnet musket-firing infantry in all-weather open terrain near fortified positions. Insane heroic behaviour. Nothing like the trench warfare of WWI or the aircraft-centric warfare WWII evolved into. Today, weaponry reaches enemies often not seen with the naked eye, with terrifying force. One man with a modern military precision weapon could kill a hundred line infantrymen before they could get off a single inaccurate shot.

From the informative Ontario archives site about the War of 1812 in Canada... "The standard tactics used by the British infantry at this time was the line of battle. Men stood in two lines, shoulder to shoulder, and fired their smooth bore muskets in disciplined volleys. This tactic was dictated by the inaccuracy of the standard "brown bess" musket, and the need to achieve concentrated fire against a similar line of enemy troops. Also, a 19th century battlefield was a confused place. The muskets and artillery discharged a heavy white smoke that obscured opponents and messages from a commander to specific parts of the line could only be transmitted in writing or orally. It was not unusual for this "fog of war" to take control of the battlefield from the commanding officers and place it in the hands of chance and the individual soldiers. Theoretically one side would give way before the musketry or a final bayonet charge.

The fire of the infantry would be supplemented by light field artillery, these guns were identified by the weight of shot fired, from 3 pounds to 12 pounds, which were designed to batter defences or cut through the enemy infantry. At close range the guns could be loaded with "cannister" which turned them into large shotguns, spreading dozens of small iron balls or fragments in a wide path. First Nations warriors were employed as light troops which sought to turn the flank of an opponent."

Transferred to Napoleon's 22nd Infantry Line Regiment in Spain, May 16th, 1811...

In 1811, the 22nd Regiment, as part of the French occupying forces, would have found itself increasingly on the defensive as Wellington pushed the French out of Portugal and launched an invasion of Spain.

ChatGPT, paraphrased: "The British and Portuguese forces, with the support of Spanish allies, were implementing a strategy of attrition, gradually wearing down the French through a combination of defensive actions and periodic offensive operations.

The retaking of Almeida (Portugal), by the Allies, in May 1811. ChatGPT: "As part of their strategy to drive the French out of Portugal, the British and Portuguese forces embarked on a march towards the fortress town of Almeida, which had been under French control. The retaking of Almeida (eastern Portugal) took place (between April 14th amd May 10th, 1811), with British and Portuguese forces besieging the town. The siege eventually led to the capture of Almeida from the French."

Siege of Astorga (Spain), June 29th to August 19th, 1812. Wikipedia: "The Spanish troops of Lieutenant-General Francisco Gómez de Terán y Negrete, Marquess of Portago, started the operations, and laid siege to Astorga. The siege was part of the Allied offensive in the summer of 1812. The Spanish VI Army led by General José María Santocildes, by order of General Francisco Castaños, take the measures necessary for the recovery of Astorga. On August 18th, after a hard resistance, the French garrison surrendered to the Spaniards."

By June of 1812, Wellington was heading for Salamanca.

Battle of Salamanca (Spain), July 22nd, 1812. ChatGPT, paraphrased: "The Battle of Salamanca resulted in a decisive victory for the allied forces, primarily led by the Duke of Wellington's Anglo-Portuguese army. This victory was significant in itself, but it also boosted the morale of the allied forces. Salamanca was a strategically important city in Spain. It was a major transportation and communication hub, with several key roads converging in the region. Its capture allowed the allies to secure an important logistical and strategic center.

The Battle of Salamanca forced the French, commanded by Marshal Auguste Marmont, to retreat from the Spanish capital, Madrid. This marked a turning point in the Peninsular War, as it allowed the Spanish to reoccupy their capital and significantly weakened French control in Spain. The defeat at Salamanca was a cause of concern for Napoleon, who recognized the strategic importance of the region. It forced him to divert resources to the Iberian Peninsula, which had implications for his campaigns elsewhere in Europe.

After the battle, the allied forces pursued the retreating French armies. The victory at Salamanca set the stage for a successful allied advance into Spain and the eventual liberation of large portions of the country from French control. The Battle of Salamanca showcased the effectiveness of the British and Portuguese forces in the Peninsular War, led by Wellington. It enhanced their reputation and demonstrated their ability to defeat the French in open battle."

The left map shows the possible route taken by Louis Wauthy as part of the 19th and 22nd Regiments. There would be at least one other location in Wallonia he would have been at for recruit training. This is a walking route - Google calculates the distance to be 4,122 km over 118 days if they marched an average of eight hours a day. The last leg is undrawn as it might be confusing at first, the 22nd would have been retreating in the direction of San Sebastián following their ouster from Salamanca. There would be many more points and diversions along this route that would have extended the distance over the four years that brought LW to the siege of San Sebastián.

The right map is just a portion of a period map from 1813 showing points of interest in the Peninsular War. Torres-Vedras, Almeida, and Salamanca have green dots. Busaco does not appear on this map but its location is indicated with two green dots. Follow this link to view the full map online (David Rumsey Map Collection) to assist with overall geographical comprehension. (The full map is actually larger than the modern Google map shown here.) Use the navigation controls provided (position, zoom).

napoleon-series.org has a great deal of information on the Napoleonic Wars, including details on all of the French Infantry Regiments - regimental history, officers, regimental war record, battle honours, etc.

Regimental war record for the 22nd Line Infantry Regiment: Battles and Combats.

For the 22nd, their regimental war record shows that their next notable action following Salamanca was July 7th to September 8th, 1813, the siege of San-Sebastián, but there is a gap of a year between Salamanca and San Sebastián - what filled it?

ChatGPT: "After the Battle of Salamanca in 1812, which resulted in a decisive victory for the Allied forces led by the Duke of Wellington, the Allies pursued a series of military and strategic actions in the ongoing Peninsular War against the French in Spain. Here are some of the key actions taken by the Allies after the Battle of Salamanca:

Pursuit of the French: Following the victory at Salamanca, the Allies pursued the retreating French forces, led by Marshal Auguste Marmont. This pursuit aimed to disrupt and further weaken the French position in Spain.

Capture of Madrid: The Allies continued their advance into Spain and retook the Spanish capital, Madrid, in August 1812. This was a significant achievement as it allowed the Spanish government to return to the city.

Siege of Burgos: After capturing Madrid, the Allies laid siege to the city of Burgos, which was held by a French garrison. Burgos was about half way between Salamanca and San Sebastián. The siege, however, proved to be challenging, and the Allies were eventually forced to lift it on October 31st, 1812.

Retreat to Portugal: Due to logistical challenges and the approach of a large French army under Marshal Nicolas Soult, the Allied forces were compelled to retreat from Burgos and eventually withdrew back to Portugal.

Reorganization and Reinforcement: During the retreat, the Allies reorganized their forces and received reinforcements. The retreat allowed them to regroup and prepare for future operations.

In 1813, the Allies again reentered Spain, continuing their campaign against the French. The Battle of Vitoria in June 1813 was a decisive victory for the Allies, and it further contributed to the liberation of Spain from French occupation."

These actions would explain how the 22nd LIR took until the summer of 1813 to begin their next major named engagement following Salamanca. At first, the 22nd's retreats would coincide with the Allies' advances. Fresh French forces, though, drove the Allies back to Ciudad Rodrigo, near the Portuguese frontier. By May 20th, 1813, after reorganizing and receiving reinforcements, the Allies were ready to confront the French forces again. Under Wellington, in an effort to outflank the French Army, an Allied force of 121,000 causing the French to retreat back to Burgos "with Wellington's forces marching hard to cut them off from the road to France". Burgos was as far as the Allies had advanced in 1812. Vitoria is about half way again to San Sebastián.

Battle of Vitoria (Spain), June 21st, 1813. The account at Wikipedia is quite compelling, worth the read. While the 22nd LIR may or may not have participated in this battle, its outcome affected them. "At the Battle of Vitoria... a British, Portuguese and Spanish army under the Marquess of Wellington broke the French army under King Joseph Bonaparte and Marshal Jean-Baptiste Jourdan near Vitoria in Spain, eventually leading to victory in the Peninsular War. Because they had marched 20 miles earlier in the day before the battle, and because the French had abandoned their "booty" (estimated value $100 million in today's money), the Allies did not pursue the French that day. The 22nd was at San Sebastián when the allies laid siege to it, perhaps having been installed there from as far back as the year before.

Siege of San Sebastián (Spain), July 7th to September 8th, 1813. ChatGPT: "Following the Battle of Vitoria, the British and Portuguese forces besieged the city of San Sebastián, which was held by the French. The city eventually fell to the Allies, contributing to their overall success in the campaign."

7th battalion of the 60th (Royal American) Regiment...

Following the siege of San Sebastián, infantryman Louis Joseph Wauthy had three paths. Was he in the part of the 22nd Regiment that retreated into France? Was he part of the force left behind in San Sebastián that surrendered? Did he desert somewhere near San Sebastián and head out on his own, perhaps not alone, taking advantage of his location and perhaps making his way to Nova Scotia by Spanish fishing boat?

Deserting prior to San Sebastián would have provided an opportunity for the act to be documented while the French command was still holding itself together. Deserting when his regiment was retreating may not have offered such an opportunity. The army may simply have lost track of him - dead, alive, injured, awol, prisoner, status unknown. He could make his way to Nova Scotia undetected if so.

If LW was part of the French retreat into France, his opportunity for desertion and avoiding detection would be getting smaller. And he would be getting closer to home, making it a more likely destination to run off to. He would also be gradually becoming more aware that an end to the war was near - if he could survive it. So, why desert?

What of the group that surrendered? What if LW was part of that group, what would have become of him? In that era, there were some odd conventions for prisoners of war. In negotiated terms of surrender, prisoners could be afforded safe passage back to their own territory. Prisoners could be exchanged under terms and conditions of release and repatriation. Prisoners could be paroled, allowed to return to their own countries with conditions on where they could go and what they could do. Negotiations might involve diplomats and envoys from the conflicted parties or from neutral nations. The captors had the upper hand in these negotiations but the captives were not without leverage. If routing them out of wherever they might be barracaded would mean loss of life, or supplies, or time to their captors, terms might almost seem favourable. Did any of this apply to the group of French soldiers left behind at San Sebastián?

The Geneva Conventions for the treatment of prisoners would not come into play for many years yet. Were the French San Sebastián prisoners interrogated? Offered the chance to become spies? Were there defectors, individuals who voluntarily wanted to change sides for ideological, personal, or political reasons? Were prisoners coerced into changing sides with threats of incarceration? Was this the kind of war that anyone wanted to be in in the first place? What else could there be? Could prisoners be bribed into changing sides? Were better conditions, better pay and larger shares in the booty enticing enough? What about a signing bonus? Was it really that mercenary?

Wikipedia, Peninsular Wars article: "...the French garrison retreated into the Citadel, which after a heavy bombardment their governor surrendered on 8 September, with the garrison marching out the next day with full military honours." Where did the garrison go when they walked out? What were the governor's terms of surrender?

ChatGPT: "The terms of surrender at San Sebastián in 1813 during the Peninsular War were negotiated between the French garrison inside the city and the British and Portuguese forces besieging it. The surrender of San Sebastian was a significant event in the war, and the terms were as follows:

Honors of War: The French garrison was granted the "honors of war." This meant that the French troops would be allowed to leave the city with their colors (flags), muskets, sidearms, and personal baggage. They were essentially allowed to march out with their military dignity intact.

Safe Passage: The surrender agreement included provisions for the safe passage of the French troops and civilians who were in the city at the time. They were to be allowed to withdraw from San Sebastian without being molested or harmed by the British and Portuguese forces.

Parole of Officers: The officers of the French garrison were often placed on parole. Parole meant that they were released under certain conditions, including an agreement not to take up arms again against the British and their allies for a specified period. Violating parole could result in severe consequences.

Capitulation of the Fortresses: Along with the surrender of the city of San Sebastián, the French also capitulated two adjacent fortresses, the Castillo de la Mota and the Chofre Redoubt, which were held by French forces.

Transfer of the City: Control of the city was handed over to the British and Portuguese forces, who subsequently occupied it.

The terms of surrender were negotiated between the British commander, Lieutenant General Sir Thomas Graham, and the French garrison commander, General Louis Emmanuel Rey. The surrender of San Sebastian was seen as a significant victory for the British and their allies, as the city had been a heavily fortified French stronghold, and its capture allowed them to make further advances in the Peninsular War."

To confirm... ChatGPT: "The French 22nd Line Infantry Regiment (22e Régiment d'Infanterie de Ligne) did indeed participate in the defense of San Sebastian... the surrender terms, as previously mentioned, allowed the French garrison to withdraw with honors of war."

According to these terms of surrender, if LW was part of the French garrison and was alive and uninjured after the month-long siege, he should have been able to continue in his present capacity of infantryman and leave the area in safety with his regiment. The 22nd was headed for the Kingdom of Saxony (Germany today), though, as part of the coming war effort there. This was not getting any closer to Nova Scotia and an 1814 arrival there would soon be in jeopardy, and would not be possible at all if LW was to stick it out until June 22nd, 1815 when the Napoleonic Wars would end.

Of the three paths LW had, two have now converged. The 22nd was on its way out of Spain. LW's other path, desertion, is still possible. And I now see one more possibility - that of being captured much earlier in the siege, as an individual, or as part of a smaller group. Their treatment may have been more like what was described above before the terms of surrender were negotiated on Sept. 8th. Several of the options afforded prisoners could see LW becoming detached from his regiment. If a prisoner, could he have defected? Could he have been coerced into changing sides? Could he have been persuaded to change for better conditions, better pay or signing money?

If only there were records to look through, lists of the personnel, of the dead or injured, of those present and those absent, records of transport and troop movements, payroll records - searchable online... Much is reported about the various organizational military groupings but are there records for the individuals, and are they online as yet?

ChatGPT: "A muster roll is an official list or register of members in a military unit or organization, typically used to record the personnel, their details, and other relevant information. Muster rolls have been a common feature in the organization and administration of armed forces throughout history, and they serve several important purposes:

Identification: Muster rolls are used to identify and document every member of a military unit. This includes their names, ranks, and sometimes additional details like age, birthplace, enlistment date, and physical characteristics.

Accountability: Muster rolls help ensure that every member of the unit is accounted for. This is crucial for maintaining discipline, tracking personnel changes (due to injuries, deaths, or transfers), and ensuring that everyone receives their pay and rations.

Pay and Benefits: Muster rolls are used in the process of paying soldiers and providing them with benefits and entitlements. Accurate records are essential to avoid issues with compensation and to prevent fraud or abuse.

Logistics: Muster rolls assist in logistical planning by providing an up-to-date roster of available personnel. This information helps military commanders allocate resources effectively and make decisions about deployments and assignments.

Historical Records: Muster rolls also serve as valuable historical records. They provide insights into the composition of military units at specific points in time, which can be useful for research, genealogy, and the study of military history."

Somewhen around 2015, ancestry.ca made available searchable muster rolls for the British forces in the Napoleonic Wars (1807-1815). These wouldn't help find a French infantryman, though, or would they?

I subscribe to ancestry.ca for a couple months each winter, but for this effort I had signed up for a trial of the European access in hopes of finding evidence of Jean Jacques (Jacob) Thibaut or Jean Joseph Thibaut in Europe that hadn't been brought forward before or evidence of Louis Joseph Wauthy that might put him in Canada, that might see him change his name to Thibaut to align with the DNA test result that sparked all of this. With this trial membership, I did have incidental access to the "UK, British Army Muster Books and Pay Lists, 1812-1817". On the off chance Louis Wauthy would somehow be on the British payroll after surrendering at San Sebastián, I tried a search. What came back surprised me.

Enter Lewis Wauty...

In a search for Louis Wauthy, I was directed to a record for "Lewis Wauty", an Anglicized version of the French name. LW had signed up with the British Army with quite a number of other foreign prisoners, of deserters, on September 10th, 1813, in a new battalion of the 60th Regiment of Foot, often referred to as the 7th/60th.

To back this up a step, it is believed that the prisoners of war were on the Isle of Wight for at least a day when recruited, which would have meant that LW had surrendered or deserted and was captured an amount of time before September 10th, before the siege ended on September 8th, in fact. A period ship traveling at an average speed of 5 knots would cover 9.26 kilometers per hour. ChatGPT estimates the sailing time from San Sebastián to the Isle of Wight might be one to two weeks when factoring in wind and weather, the amount of daylight, ship load, crew skill and ship design - without logistics considerations like organizing a load of prisoners while preparing and provisioning a transport ship for the days ahead. The distance across the Bay of Biscay and up the English Channel is about 1,000 km.

If LW had gone directly to Guernsey instead, this would have reduced the travel time by only about one day.

Guernsey, a small triangular island of just 75 sq. km, about 100 km from the Isle of Wight, was well fortified on all sides. The training camp could have been near any of the existing fortifications or off by itself. An illustrated book called The History of the Island of Guernsey... by William Berry may contain relevant info to help with where exactly on the island LW was. A map in the book dated 1814 is well labeled. Once a name can be put on the location of the training camp, this map should show it. Use its navigational tools to enlarge.

ChatGPT: "French soldiers who enlisted in the English (British) army after the Siege of San Sebastián in 1813 were often retrained and integrated into British units. After their capture, these soldiers had a choice to remain in captivity, be repatriated to France as prisoners of war, or enlist in the service of their captors. Many chose the latter option and joined the British army."

What is surprising is the fact that Lewis Wauty had signed for seven years. Either being a prisoner of war was worse than enlisting again or LW didn't mind being employed in the military. Overcrowding and unsanitary conditions on the Isle may have helped LW decide. His behaviour in the 7th/60th would tell the tale.

His signing, at this point in time and at this location, seems to put to bed the idea that Louis Joseph Wauthy came to Canada aboard a Spanish fishing boat. It does, however, confirm for a second time that he was a deserter of the French Army.

"Payments made on account of deserters..."

This page's headers look handwritten (harder-to-read), on smaller-sized blank hand-lined paper.

This list of names, with the first page dated August 30th, the Wauty page dated September 10th, and the summary page dated September 13th, is comprised of 355 names, grouped by enlistment date and alphabetically within that, suggesting some kind of transcription from other records. Pencilled-in notes show a calculation for 355 x £4 or £1420, plus £71 for a total of £1491. The £71 would be 4 shillings per man, with 20 shillings to a pound. An additional £17,75s would fit a calculation of 1 shilling per name, perhaps shown in error as £17,15s.

This page (not shown in full, click to view) confirms the count of 355 and the status of these "volunteers" as having been prisoners of war. They were received from the 2nd and 3rd Battalions of the 95th Regiment. Paraphrasing ChatGPT: "Yes, the 2nd and 3rd Battalions of the 95th Regiment participated in the siege of San Sebastián. The 95th Rifles were known for their expertise in marksmanship and light infantry tactics."

The site warof1812.ca has a letter written by the Commander-in-Chief, the Right Honourable Lord Bathurst to the Secretary At War requesting the regiment's formation from some 1,200 "eligible subjects", German, French and other prisoners of war, who would sign up for 7 years' service for "the usual Bounty of four Guineas per man", in actuality 4 pounds 4 shillings per man (a guinea being equal to £1,1s), with another shilling paid to the bringer for each recruit, who could attest for the recruit. Bathurst wanted also to offer the recruits "the eventual grant of land in Canada after a service of five years".

The outfit would be called the 7th Battalion, 60th Regiment of Foot, with plans for its deployment in North America, initially for the war with the Americans (again) that would one day be called the War of 1812. Canada, as a British colony, was already in the fight. The battalion was raised under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Henry John, formerly of the 95th Rifles.

See re-enactment images of the 7th Battalion, 60th 'Royal American' Regiment at the Mississinewa 1812 website.

With information from wordpress.com... The 7th/60th was so formed from a mixture of 840 Germans, Dutchmen, Swiss, Frenchmen and Hungarians. The non-French had been forced to fight for Napoleon's army. By November the battalion was on the Channel Island of Guernsey being trained as light infantry. Details about the 7th's uniforms and equipment can be found here.

A book written by Nesbit Willoughby Wallace, Captain, 60th Royal Rifles, with the long title "Regimental Chronicle and List of Officers of The 60th, or The King's Royal Rifle Corps, formerly The 62nd, or The Royal Americam Regiment of Foot", published in London in 1879, interestingly by "Harrison, 59, Pall Mall, "bookseller to the Queen and H.R.H. the Prince of Wales" has a number of photos and illustrations - one of which is shown above, beside the re-enactment photo. The book's text and images are viewable online. A passage in it confirms information from other sources. Page 49: "September 1, 1813, Seventh Rifle Battalion was raised in Guernsey and formed of the German prisoners of war. It consisted of 840 rank and file, i.e. 640 Light Infantry, 200 Rifles."

Between the pages numbered 50 and 51 is a protective tissue covering a set of three drawings. The leftmost is the uniform of the 7th/60th as it was copied from the 5th/60th. The 7th would receive approval for green pants also. Noted for 1816, "The dress of the Regiment was changed this year to green jacket with short skirts, lapels lined with scarlet, scarlet cuffs and collars, two buttons on each; two rows of buttons in front , a gold bugle on the skirts, wings of gold chain and bullion, green pantaloons, and a cap of regulation pattern." This contradicts the wordpress.com description that the 7th started out with green pants.

In the book, the 60th, initially depôted in America, was depôted from 1763 (the end of the Seven Years' War) through 1823 on The Isle of Wight.

ChatGPT: "In military terminology, the term "Depôt" refers to a location or facility used as a headquarters or base for the storage of supplies, administration, and recruitment activities for a particular regiment or military unit. In the context of the British 60th Regiment, "Depôt - Isle of Wight" signifies that the Isle of Wight served as the central base or depot for the regiment's administrative, logistical, and training functions. The Depôt on the Isle of Wight was likely where activities such as recruiting, training, and organizing soldiers for deployment or reassignment took place. It was a central hub for the regiment's operational and administrative functions."

ChatGPT: "During the Napoleonic Wars, the Isle of Wight was used as a location for housing prisoners of war."

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"Monthly Return" reports for the 7th/60th...

In catching up with documentation provided by a fellow researcher / military historian (initials EW), I have been able to gather together more of the British military history of Louis Joseph Wauthy aka Lewis Wauty.

These Monthly Return reports came to me as several images for each month, typically four with some re-shot duplicates, for the period September 1813 on into 1815. This is the period of interest for LW, from his signing up to the end of the wars he had been drafted into.

The pamphlet-sized covers have some helpful information on them and there is meaningful information within. (I suppose these open out in some manner, but I have never seen one in overview.) The location of the battalion headquarters at the time, a count of batallion personnel, a breakdown by origin and occupation. Other pages report on comings and goings, state of health, inventory of material things, and if there have been inspections, the reports are typically included.

Note that the date of changeover month-to-month is the 25th in each case. The pages are pre-printed and can be filled out by entering information in the appropriate places.

These are the Monthly Return report covers for the months September 1813 through June 1815. Hover over an image to identify, then click to enlarge.

The 7th was shown as headquartered on the Isle of Wight on its first two monthly reports - September and October 1813.

The November 1813 report shows the headquarters as Guernsey. The 7th/60th was there until March of 1814. For all of the linguistic difficulties, the battalion was ready for active service. The size of the battalion's rank and file had grown from an initial 360 up to 812 at its peak as reported on March 25th.

The March Monthly Return (dated March 25th, 1814) shows the headquarters to be "Cove of Cork", referring to Cove, a natural harbor in County Cork, on the south coast of Ireland, which puts Lewis Wauty there awaiting transport to Nova Scotia with his battalion. Known as Queenstown from 1849 until 1920 and the Irish War of Independence, the name became Cobh (Irish, pronounced Cove) at that time. Cove (Queenstown) had historical significance as a strategic naval and military location in the 19th century. It served as a major base for the British Royal Navy and was an important transatlantic port for the British Empire. Ships and troops destined for North America, including Canada and the Maritimes, often departed from Cove (Queenstown)." Cobh is known for being the Titanic's last port of call in 1912.

This snip has several items of interest. It reads: "MONTHLY RETURN of the 7th Batt. 60th Regiment of Foot of which His Royal Highness the Duke of York is Colonel. Head-Quarters on board the Benson Transport, Cove of Cork, 25th of March, 1814." If indeed the Benson was a transport ship, it may have taken more than one ship to transport a battalion comprised of 900 souls. The Benson could have been the vessel in command, though. Travel time from Guernsey Island to Cove of Cork is estimated to be 4 to 5 days.

Note to self: include more about the Cove of Cork.

On the March Monthly Return cover, note the new categories: men (19 and older), lads from 15 to 18, boys under 15. Service for life, or service for a limited time (7 years). The military could be a way of life for some. Also note the composition - English, Scotch and Irish were separated from foreigners. The reported numbers don't seem to add up in any way, suffice to say that almost the entire battalion is comprised of foreigners as was originally intended.

April's Monthly Return, dated April 25th, 1814 shows the headquarters to be "at sea". May's return, dated May 25th, 1814 also states the headquarters to still be "at sea".

The June Monthly Return, dated June 25th, 1814, and the subsequent reports through April 25th, 1815 all show the battalion's headquarters to be Halifax.

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Refining the dates of departure and arrival...

It is difficult to be any more precise with just the Monthly Returns than to say that something happened between the 26th of one month and the 25th of the month following. To refine the date of arrival in Halifax, I turned to Nova Scotia Archives and the pages of the Acadian Recorder.

The Acadian Recorder, described in its own October 22nd, 1814 edition as being "a pure English paper, without any American feelings about it, and which undoubtedly speaks the sentiments of the British Naval and Military Officers who support it", is considered to be a "newspaper of record" in Halifax.

Published weekly, the May 28th and June 4th editions contain pertinent information in the "Ship News" section.

Volume 2, Number 22, page 3, May 28th, 1814, SHIP NEWS, Halifax, May 27... "arr. brigs Brothers, Jane, and Star, Capt. Disbrow, from Liverpool; brig Forth, from Glasgow; Transport ship Rolo, and Matilda; Transport ship Regulus, from off New-London. The above vessels are part of the fleet which sailed from Cork, 10th April, under convoy of H.M. ships Leander and Hamdryad. One Company of Artillery, and 7th battalion of the 60th regt. were in the fleet, for this Garrison and troops for Canada." (Note: Nova Scotia didn't join Canada until July 1, 1867.)

Volume 2 Number 23, page 3, June 4th, 1814, SHIP NEWS, Halifax, May 28, to June 1... "Also arr. L'Espoir, Capt. Russell, from Cork -- Curlew capt. Head, from a cruise -- transport ships Benson, and Matilda, (ditto)". So, the Benson is a transport ship, it did leave from Cork and arrive in Halifax, and it was accompanied by the Matilda, 900 men in the Battalion probably divided across these two vessels.

These are great articles with lots of colour, worth reading in their entirety.

Refined, the 7th/60th leaves Cove of Cork on April 10th, 1814, aboard two transport ships - the Benson and the Matilda. During April and May, the battalion was transported to Halifax, with the Matilda arriving first, on May 27th, and the Benson arriving the following day (May 28th).

Louis Joseph Wauthy has arrived in Nova Scotia, as part of the 7th/60th battalion, on either the Benson or the Matilda, on May 27th or May 28th, 1814.

Their mission, aside from the No. 1 and No. 10 companies, "...the remainder of the battalion guarded Nova Scotia against American seaborne raids until the conclusion of the war; companies were concentrated in Halifax and Annapolis Royal".

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The June 1814 battalion inspection...

To compress by a few more days the chronological gap between the last record of LW and the first record of JJT, there is note of an inspection of the 7th Battalion, 60th Foot in Halifax in June, 1814 at warof1812.ca that speaks of difficulties with language and retraining. In an inspection report dated June 25th, 1814, Major General Duncan Darroch writes that on the "23^d" he inspected the 7th/60th. This image snip confirms this.

Notable comments in the report include: (paraphrased) that the men have received the written rules and regulations but can't read English; that the men can be paid for the month of June but March, April and May will have to wait until the PayMaster arrives; the latest 45 recruits were still owed their bounty; the officers, non-commissioned officers and men are dressed in green; this battalion has no regimental school; the men regularly attend divine service on Sunday held by the garrison chaplain, other denominations are marched to their several places of worship.

Darroch would write a report in November after an inspection in October 1814 also. The reports are created twice yearly.

The reports are written in a fashion that reminds me of boilerplate paragraphs. Sometimes the wording is identical from one report to the next, or very close to it. The sequence of items addressed appears to be fixed, with a topic shown in the margin (like Adjutant, Paymaster, Buglers, Clothing, or Ammunition - probably so that nothing gets missed.

These are the pages of the June 25th inspection report. They can be read through to learn more about this battalion and the times.

Note to self: make pages 1 through 7 link to their full size.

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Brief summary of relevant dates to this point, derived from the Monthly Returns...

The Monthly Return report dates can be used to figure out where members of the 7th/60th likely were between the formation of the battalion and the end of the two conflicts LW had been drafted into - the War of 1812 which ended in January 1815 and the Napoleonic wars which ended in June 1815.

We are, after all, trying to put Louis Joseph Wauthy, aka Lewis Wauty, into Jean Jacques (Jacob) Thibeau's shoes 10 years before JJT petitioned for a land grant in Cape Breton in 1824. This timeframe brackets the correct year.

The fact that there is a large gap in the dates of the Monthly Returns leaves one to speculate as to when in the month certain events actually took place. Take "awaiting transport to Canada" as an example. The battalion left Guernsey for Cove of Cork on February 26th or after. There would be a certain amount of travel time. Arrival in Cove of Cork occurred by March 25th. The 7th waited to be loaded aboard a transport ship. The sea crossing typically took weeks to months, depending on ship size and type, convoy speed limitations, winds and weather, trouble en route and stops. The May 25 monthly report showed they hadn't arrived as yet, but the June 25th report shows they had, just not when exactly between these dates. Other reports and documentation are needed to make the timeline any more precise.

Because we have the two Acadian Recorder articles in hand, I have included these revelations in this table.

Note: this table, primarily built with information from the monthly reports, will be refined, corrected and expanded as more material is presented below. To jump to the most complete and correct summary of LW's location in time, click here, or continue to take in the events in the order they were discovered.

Dates and events determined by examining these Monthly Returns for the 7th/60th Battalion	Headquarters Location	Rank and File numbers
September 25, 1813 through October 25, 1813, British prisoner of war facility	Isle of Wight	361 grew to 576
contributor EW: "briefly at Chatham Barracks in Kent before being stationed on Guernsey until March the following year"	Chatham Barracks in Kent	(source document tbd)
November 25, 1813 through February 25, 1814, infantry training	Channel Island of Guernsey	grown to 760
March 25, 1814, awaiting transport to Canada, headquarters on the transport ship Benson	Cove of Cork, Ireland	grown to 812
April 25, 1814 through May 25, 1814, transport to Canada	At Sea	812 dips to 811
by end of May, 1814, the battalion arrives in Halifax	Halifax	811
the 7th/60th is assigned the task of guarding Nova Scotia and its waters from American assault	Halifax	811
June, 1814, battalion inspection	Halifax	811
June 25, 1814 through November 25, 1814, manning the Halifax Garrison, deployments	Halifax	809, down to 785
October 25, 1814 through March 25, 1815, one company deployed to Cape Breton	Halifax	785, 67 deployed to Cape Breton
by April 25, 1815 deployment location is now noted as being Sydney (County, or town of? See below.)	Halifax	781, 67 deployed to Sydney
May, 1815 through December, 1815, a deployment to Sydney was maintained	Halifax	781, up to 70 deployed to Sydney

This October 31, 1814, Field Return has a few substantiating details of interest: that Lieut. Col. Henry John is sick, and that the battalion is quartered in Halifax. This Field Return also shows Captain E.B. Eberstein (age 35, 10 3/4 years service) is absent, "on command at Cape Breton". Ensign Charles Harris is also "on command in Cape Breton". Captain Eberstein had been with the 7th since at least June of 1814.

The deployment to Sydney, Cape Breton woud continue through to at least December 25th, 1815, with numbers rising to 70 briefly then falling back to 68 at year's end.

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Deployment to Cape Breton...

The deployments to Cape Breton noted in the table above are of particular interest to this story, but these were not the only deployments. Deployments from the 7th/60th began in July of 1814. Locations of deployment included: Annapolis, Birch Cove, Fort Charlotte, Fort Clarence, Fort Cumberland, Halifax Jail, Harbour Posts, Manger's Beach, Melville Island (military prison), Point Pleasant, Prince Edward Island and Seven Mile House. Some of these would have to do with military activities, others may have had more to do with policing. Two noted deployments without specific location were described as "working at the roads" and "on command with a dispatch". In December, 1814, one man was deployed "at Canada" i.e. outside Nova Scotia. The largest deployment noted was 132 men to Annapolis in January, 1815. Perhaps LW was sent to one or another of these places at some point during his service rather than being in Halifax the whole time.

Regarding Sydney, the county or the town... From the Nova Scotia Archives county maps page, "Sydney County was created in 1784 to administer the eastern mainland of Nova Scotia (now Antigonish and Guysborough Counties). During the years 1824-36, Sydney County was divided into defined upper and lower districts; the Lower District of Sydney became Guysborough County in 1836; the Upper District reverted to the original name (Sydney County), which was changed to Antigonish County in 1863." "Sydney (the town) was founded in 1785 by the British. Sydney served as the Cape Breton Island's colonial capital, until 1820, when the colony merged with Nova Scotia and the capital moved to Halifax."

A thesis found on the Internet called Orphan Outpost: Cape Breton Colony 1781+-1820 written by Robert J. Morgan has a comment in it confirming that it was Sydney, the town, that the 7th/60th was deployed to in 1814-1815, taking this question off the table. This thesis looks to have other good information in it for future reading. Click on this link to download the 286-page thesis from the University of Ottawa (page 208 to start).

Acting Lieutenant Governor Hugh Swayne "hoped for military support from Halifax. No help came from that quarter, however; for though the ill-clothed, neglected 104th Regiment (The New Brunswick Fencibles) had been withdrawn, and Halifax sent another company to relieve them, Swayne would not tolerate their inefficient state. He could not get them replaced until 1814 when a Company of the 7th (Battalion) of the 6oth Regiment was sent, though they were on call for removal without warning."

While the population of Sydney at the time was only about 300, it would be the goings on in the area, along and off the coast, that the 7th was there for.

ChatGPT: "Rations often included basic food items such as hardtack (a type of durable biscuit), salted or preserved meat, dried peas or beans, flour, and occasionally rice or vegetables. Soldiers might also have received a supply of rum or other spirits as part of their daily allowances for drink. The availability of fresh food or supplements to their basic rations might have depended on local resources or trade, and soldiers might have occasionally foraged or purchased additional food or drink to supplement their standard rations."

A very high resolution map found online (MacInlay's Map of The Province of Nova Scotia, 1865) shows points of interest. Give it time to load when zooming in and out. A map of this quality and date will have relative accuracy compared to earlier maps, but sought-after names may be absent or just be different.

An 1815 Sketch of the Military Ground at Sydney is available for viewing at the Nova Scotia Archives. Noted locations on the sketch are: Jail, Guard Room, Artillery Barrack, Magazine, Commissariat Store, Officer's Barrack, Soldier's Barrack and Canteen. Site of the old barrack and site proposed for the new barrack speaks to how long the post is expected to be there. The battery consisted of: 2.6 and 2.10 pounders. Redoubt mounting for 2.6 and 2.10 pounders. (ChatGPT: A redoubt is a type of fortification or defensive structure designed to provide protection and cover for soldiers. Redoubts are typically small, enclosed defensive positions, often shaped like a square or polygon, and can be used as temporary or semi-permanent defensive positions during battle or in strategic locations. A redoubt may mount several types of defensive structures or artillery, including cannons or artillery pieces, mounted guns, or other small arms." In any case, we are not talking about sixty-seven men and officers living in tents or roughing it on the ground in all weather.

I take it that the guns could be pointed seaward in defense of the harbour and town. A map in the thesis on page 67 does not show its location, but it is stated in the thesis that, in the absence of help from Halifax, "some of the rum revenue was used to re-build the redoubt and barracks near the mines and South Bar". The mines were closer to the opening of the harbour to the Atlantic, to Spanish (or Spaniard's) Bay, on the north side. South Bar can readily be found on maps. This location would protect the Southwest Arm where the town was located. This information from northamericanforts.com seems to fit: "Fort Prince Edward, (1794-1854), South Bar. Initially only a guardhouse and magazine. Known locally as Fort Gow or Fort Guion. A blockhouse was built in 1813, demolished in 1862. The actual spot of the post has since been eroded away." The harbour is less than 3 km wide for much of it. Solid-shot 2.10 pound guns had a range of about half the distance across the harbour.

A photo taken in 1943 entitled South Bar Fort can be found at Beaton Institute Digital Archives. If accurate, locating the "bar" on any map would give an approximate location. This is a link to a 360º image taken at the bar. Not much to look at - still, interesting. You can see the open expanse of Sydney Harbour north and south of the bar, Spanish Bay on the northeastern horizon. Erosion and tides change the feature hourly. Not deep, something like 6 or 7 fathoms on early charts, would only have limited access to the largest ships of the time. There is a North Bar, on the opposite side of the harbour.

Belcher's map of Nova Scotia and Cape Breton, first published July 10, 1834, "Second Edition - corrected to 1866", of the shows several of these features. Click to enlarge. Link to the image source. Looks like a railway has been built to take coal from the mines to a "loading ground" for shipping.

For argument's sake, the earliest photos date back to the 1830's and 1840's. Maps, especially those that are illustrated, can help with visual comprehension. Illustrations and depictions of more important locations and events that may help the imagination are available at many online libraries and museums.

"North America, Cape Breton Island, Sydney Harbour", surveyed by Captain H.W. Bayfield.

This link is to a different map of the Sydney Harbour area as it was known at the end of the 19th century. Click here to view a pertinent snip of it stored locally. South Bar is shown on this map as S.E. Bar. The counterpoint is N.W. Bar on the opposite side of the harbour. Understandably so, compass opposites at approximately 315º and 135º. The numbers are the depths of water, in feet, as surveyed in 1849, probably at neutral tide. Use the Archives navigational tools to enlarge so all details can be viewed. Some details noted on it may not have existed in 1814, 85 years earlier, when Lewis Wauty was in the area.

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Meanwhile, back in Halifax...

...the four-page inspection report written by Major General Duncan Darroch on Nov. 7, 1814 has a passage describing the privates. "A tolerable good body of men. Their appearance is healthy. The number actually in the ranks correspond with the returns there. Men will require a good deal of attention before they can be reported to be well drilled. There are some characters in this regiment (French, I believe) that are not well behaved and rum being so easily procured it is difficult to keep the men from drinking. No man is kept on the strength of the regiment who is not clothed & does not do duty as a soldier." As to the report in its entirety, an officer's view on inspection day might well be different from a private's view day-to-day. LW did seem to have a mind of his own.

Another bit has modern-day implications. "Vaccine innoculation has been introduced into the Corps & no man has been kept on the sick list for slight or equivocal complaints." This was probably a reference to the smallpox vaccine and to the returning to service those soldiers who might be faking illness or playing up slight injuries.

ChatGPT: "The first smallpox vaccination in the British Army, often considered a pivotal moment in the history of vaccination, was administered by Dr. Edward Jenner in 1796. Dr. Jenner is credited with developing the smallpox vaccine, which used cowpox virus to provide immunity against smallpox. He successfully tested the vaccine on a young boy named James Phipps. It's important to note that the smallpox vaccine was initially met with some skepticism and resistance, but over time, its effectiveness and the eradication of smallpox contributed to its widespread adoption in the British military and other armed forces around the world. By 1814, smallpox vaccination had likely become a standard practice in the British military as it was in many other nations."

Was Lewis a vaccine denier - enough that he might desert because of this? Had he been ill or injured and not provided with adequate care or recovery time?

Inspection Report, page 1	Inspection Report, page 1, snip	Inspection Report, page 2	Inspection Report, page 3	Inspection Report, page 4

A paragraph on page two of the inspection report may speak to Wauty's situation if he thought he had been treated unfairly during his court martial for beating up the bugler. Even though LW's sentence was remitted, he may have thought the process unjust, and could happen again if he was similarly charged with something. Noted in the report as being an extract from the Regimental Court Martial Book: "It is necessary to state here the Commanding Officer has received a warrant for holding regimental General Courts Martial without the proper authority for appointing a deputy Judge Advocate, & it appears by his instructions these Courts Martial cannot assemble without this Judge Advocate." This would presuppose LW had counsel of some kind to point this out to him for it seems a bit beyond an average man's abilities to understand what this might mean.

I threw this at ChatGPT and got this back: "This situation could potentially raise concerns about the legal proceedings' validity or adherence to proper military legal procedures, as a deputy Judge Advocate typically plays an important role in ensuring the legal integrity of the court martial process."

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Who knew?

One would think that there is a good chance that Lewis Wauty's family back home was aware of all this especially if he had been sending money home while a member of the 22nd Infantry Line Regiment. There must have been a report sent from the British to the French about prisoners taken at San Sebastián (a bi-directional courtesy). The question here would be: was LW captured as a deserter leaving the area or did he turn himself in? Clearly, though, he was not part of the negotiated surrender that allowed his regiment to literally march away with military honour.

When he signed with the British, the French army would likely have been told this also, a bit of salt in the wound. The family would, in turn, be told this as well. Somewhere there must be French records of this, written in French, harder to find and requiring translation for comprehension.

This dialogue with ChatGPT about a soldier's ability and opportunity to communicate with their families is lengthy, so I have used a smaller font. It is hard to paraphrase, all good information, but I did alter parts and I changed the presentation to make it tighter.

Question: In 1814, did the English Army hold pay for the recruits like a bank?

ChatGPT: "In 1814, the British Army did not operate in a manner where it held pay for recruits like a bank. Instead, soldiers in the British Army, including recruits, were paid according to established military pay schedules and practices of the time. Here's how the payment system generally worked for British soldiers in the early 19th century:

Soldiers received regular pay according to their rank and length of service. This pay was usually issued on a monthly or quarterly basis. In addition to their regular pay, soldiers might receive various allowances or bonuses based on their duties, service in certain regions, or other factors. Certain deductions or stoppages were made from a soldier's pay to cover various expenses, including food, clothing, and other necessities. Soldiers were often provided with food and clothing by the army, but these items were not "free" and were deducted from their pay. Soldiers could also have fines or deductions from their pay for disciplinary infractions or debts.

It's worth noting that the pay and conditions for soldiers during this period were often modest, and soldiers' financial affairs were handled within the military structure rather than through external banking systems as we know them today."

Question: How was this handled in France?

ChatGPT: "In France during the early 19th century, the pay and financial arrangements for soldiers in the French army were also handled differently from modern banking systems. The French army had its own system for paying and supporting its troops, and it operated as follows:

Similar to the British system, soldiers in the French army were paid according to their rank and length of service. Higher-ranking officers received more pay than lower-ranking soldiers. Soldiers received their regular pay at established intervals, typically on a monthly basis. Soldiers might receive various allowances based on factors such as their rank, length of service, and specific duties. For example, officers might receive additional allowances for their higher responsibilities.

Deductions or stoppages were made from a soldier's pay to cover expenses such as food, clothing, and equipment. The army often provided these items to the soldiers, and the costs were deducted from their pay. Similar to the British system, fines or deductions could be imposed on soldiers for disciplinary infractions or debts.

Instead of using traditional currency, soldiers often received a form of military scrip, which was a type of paper currency issued by the army. This scrip could be used for purchases within the military system, such as in military canteens and stores.

Soldiers who had family members accompanying them might have allowances provided for their families' support, although these were usually modest."

Question: How would an infantryman in either army send money home? Could part of his pay be witheld and sent home for him?

ChatGPT: "During the early 19th century, it was possible for infantrymen in both the British and French armies to send money home to their families, although the methods and regulations varied between the two armies.

In the British Army, soldiers had several options for sending money home to their families. Soldiers could voluntarily arrange for a portion of their pay to be allotted to their families or designated recipients. These allotments were deducted from the soldier's pay before they received it, and the funds were sent to the specified recipient. Soldiers could also purchase money orders or pay drafts from the army's paymasters, which were then sent to their families or designated recipients. This allowed for a secure and reliable means of transferring funds. In some cases, soldiers might send money home through personal remittances, such as giving cash to trusted comrades or friends who were returning home.

In the French army, soldiers had somewhat similar options for sending money home. Soldiers in the French army could also arrange for allotments of their pay to be sent to their families. These allotments were known as "rémunérations". Similar to the British system, French soldiers could use money orders or "mandats" to send funds to their families. These could be obtained through military pay offices. Soldiers might also rely on personal networks and acquaintances to send money home. This could involve entrusting cash to comrades or friends who were returning to their hometowns."

Both armies recognized the importance of supporting soldiers' families and provided mechanisms for soldiers to send money home. These options helped ensure that soldiers' families had some financial security while their loved ones were away on military service. The specific procedures and regulations for these transactions would have been established and managed by the respective army's paymasters and authorities."

Question: Could infantrymen in either army send and receive mail?

ChatGPT (paraphrased): "Infantrymen in both the British and French armies during the early 19th century could send and receive mail.

The British army established field post offices in various locations to collect and distribute mail. Soldiers could drop off their letters at these post offices. A military mail service was responsible for transporting and delivering letters between soldiers and their families. Letters were usually transported in bulk, and the military post service had its own postal routes. The French army had a similar system of field post services to handle soldiers' mail. It had its own postal routes to transport and deliver mail in a timely manner to and from the front lines. Both armies employed censorship to prevent the transmission of sensitive information (identification, location, condition, capabilities)."

Question: "What was done to assist the illiterate?

ChatGPT: "During the early 19th century, illiterate soldiers in both the British and French armies received various forms of assistance to help them with communication, record-keeping, and understanding military orders. Here are some of the measures taken to assist illiterate soldiers:

1. Illiterate soldiers often relied on their literate comrades and officers for assistance. They might ask fellow soldiers to read or write letters for them, interpret orders, or help with paperwork.

2. In some regiments, there were designated individuals known as "regimental scribes" or "company clerks" who were responsible for handling administrative tasks, including writing and reading letters for illiterate soldiers. These individuals were often chosen for their literacy skills.

3. Some armies provided basic literacy training to illiterate soldiers. This training might include basic reading and writing skills to help soldiers better understand orders and communicate with their superiors.

4. For soldiers who struggled with reading and writing, pictorial aids or symbols might be used to convey information. These aids could be included in military manuals or orders to help soldiers understand instructions.

5. In situations where written communication was challenging, oral communication played a crucial role. Orders and instructions were often delivered orally by officers and NCOs to ensure that all soldiers, including the illiterate, understood them.

6. Military forms and records might be simplified or adapted to make them more accessible to illiterate soldiers. This could involve the use of symbols, marks, or simple codes.

7. Soldiers were encouraged to work together in a buddy system. This meant that illiterate soldiers often had a literate "buddy" who would help them navigate administrative tasks and ensure they were aware of important information.

It's important to note that while illiteracy was relatively common among soldiers during this era, armies recognized the importance of ensuring that all soldiers could effectively communicate and understand orders. Various measures were taken to accommodate the needs of illiterate soldiers and facilitate their participation in military life."

Life in Halifax in 1814...

Infantryman Lewis Wauty, as part of the 7th Battalion, 60th Foot regiment, had been assigned the task of guarding Nova Scotia "against American seaborne raids until the conclusion of the war". This may have meant time at sea, or just guarding the port of Halifax against invasion. Guarding, for the most part, may have simply meant just being there, making Halifax an uninviting target.

Different from life in the field, Halifax may have been open for LW to experience when not on duty. As a budding international port of call, there would have been lots of excitement for a 25-year-old. Ships of all shapes and sizes coming and going; trade and commerce (some legal, some not) in at least two languages; military troop movements and re-supply; trans-oceanic passengers, immigrants arriving; food, drink, entertainment, even sports and other forms of recreation come to mind. Living away from the barracks may have also been possible. Employment opportunities that may have paid substantially more than an infantryman received may have been observed, inquired about and even offered. Halifax would experience growth.

If LW's ambition was to receive a grant of land that may have been proffered or promised to him when he enlisted, he would have had the opportunity to learn about grants first hand in Halifax, to see the families of successful land grant petitioners arriving from England, Scotland, and Ireland, going about the business of stocking up for their journeys to their allocated lot of land. Others arriving who had the intention of buying land could be learned from also.

There was a difference between a UEL and a member of the 7th/60th, though, that of nationality. This difference may have been lost on LW who may have thought that the required years of service would earn him similar rights to someone who is, at their core, a British citizen. What decision would those in power make, and when would they make it?

This account comes from the library at Dalhousie University in Halifax, a 15-page portion of an edition of the Dalhousie Review, published in 1943.

HALIFAX DURING AND AFTER THE WAR OF 1812, written by J.S. MARTELL

Beamish Murdoch, Martell writes, who lived through it as a boy and later studied it as an historian, recorded these impressions: "The effects of the war upon this province, and particularly upon the people of Halifax, were very marked. Always sympathizing closely with the national glory of Great Britain, they were now drawn more than ever to feel a lively interest in military and naval transactions. The operations of the combatants were brought much more near than ever, and on the sea were more frequent. Our harbour had become the temporary home of the ships of war, and the place where their prizes were brought and disposed of .... The little capital, then occupying a restricted space, became crowded. Trade was active. Prices rose. The fleet increasing, provisions were in great demand. Rents of houses and buildings in the town were doubled and trebled. A constant bustle existed in our chief streets. Cannon were forever noisy. It was the salute of a man-of-war entering or leaving, practising with the guns, or celebrating something or somebody."

Martell: "The moral state of the town, as might be expected, was deplorable. With eight or ten thousand soldiers, sailors, and paroled prisoners on the loose, grog shops, dancing halls and brothels beckoned at every turn."

Although only a child in 1812, T. B. Akins had many firsthand accounts when he wrote: "A portion of Grafton Street was known under the appelation of · Hogg Street, from a house of ill-fame kept by a person of that name. The upper street along the base of Citadel Hill between the north and south barracks (now part of Brunswick Street) was known as "Knock Him Down" Street in consequence of the number of affrays and even murders committed there. No person of any character ventured to reside there, nearly all the buildings being occupied as brothels for the soldiers and sailors."

A fine map of Halifax dated 1749-1830 has incredible detail, oh that it had more. A bit tricky to find the zoom feature, but once found you should get results even better than this. The infamous "Knock-'em-down" Street.

Beautiful script, look for labels like this: "Ferry to Dartmouth estab' Dec. 1750. John Connor, ferry man."

An ad inserted in the Acadian Recorder in 1813 for the crewing up of the storied ship Tartarus (image), described by Wikipedia as being a "16-gun fireship launched in 1806, reclassified as a sloop (in) 1808", tells an enticing tale: "...has one deck to sleep under and another to dine on. Dry Hammocks, regular meals, and plenty of Grog - the main brace always spliced when it rains or blows hard. A few months more cruising, just to enable her brave crew to get Yankee Dollars enough to make them marry their sweethearts, buy farms and live snug during the Peace that is now close aboard of us." One report tells of action under Captain John Pasco serving off the American coast - that the Tartarus captured ten American vessels between October 1812 and January 1813. In the same helpful thesis (above), and on the same page, is this view of Lieutenant Governor Swayne: "The greatest threat was a sea attack. During the summer of 1812 American privateers upset fishing and navigation off Arichat. Though small boats close to shore avoided the enemy, more protection was needed off the coast. Only two ships cruised the Cape Breton coasts, the Tartarus off the Gut of Canso, and the frigate Nymph (image). So poor was coastal intelligence that American privateers boldly established signals between Spanish Bay and Cape North, threatening Maritime-Canadian trade."

ChatGPT: "Privateering, a practice dating back centuries, involved privately owned and armed vessels, known as privateers, authorized by a government to engage in maritime warfare against enemy ships during times of conflict. These privateers operated under a "letter of marque" or "letters of marque and reprisal," official documents granting them legal authority to capture or destroy enemy vessels and loot cargo. The letters of marque detailed the conditions, rules, and limitations under which privateers could operate, enabling them to raid and seize enemy ships as a form of state-sanctioned piracy. Privateering was seen as a means to weaken the enemy's maritime trade and bolster a nation's own naval power. However, it often led to questionable practices, blurring the lines between legitimate warfare and piracy, causing economic disruptions, and leading to moral and legal controversies regarding the rights of captured crews and seized cargo."

Martell: "While young Haligonians serving on His Majesty's ships or local privateers filled their pockets with the old Spanish pieces of eight, then common currency, some of their elders who traded with the Yankees or speculated in privateers made substantial fortunes. Enos Collins, who seems to have had an interest in a number of privateers, cleared upwards of £30,000 from this source alone in 1814. Richard John Uniacke, who was Advocate General of the Vice-Admiralty Court which auctioned off the prizes, is said to have made £50,000 in fees before the war was over. Although the money rolled in as never before, there was no direct taxation. The only war taxes were the additional excise duties of fourpence per gallon on rum and sixpence per gallon on other distilled liquors and all wines."

Another ad, in the December 3rd, 1814 edition, adds some colour to the times. Importer Joseph Hamilton has received new goods from England by the brig Nixon, for his Water Street store. From great coats to brown milk pans, &c. He would likely import anything he thought he could sell.

Money to be made buying and selling, even just handling. With more demand than supply, even mundane trade like this would be very profitable. LW was probably well aware. Did he have a shopkeeper's or merchant's ambitions and instincts?

"Knock Him Down" Street (see Martell article above) may help explain an incident noted in the military records for the "7^th Batt. 60^th Reg' of Foot" on a page about crimes tried by a Regimental Court Martial between June 25th and October 24th, 1814. Lewis Wauty was awarded the punishment of 100 lashes for "beating bugler Horschman in the street". (100 lashes was actually the low end, with some being awarded punishments of 300 lashes for the likes of stabbing a fellow private with a bayonet. Many judgments, though, were remitted or reduced.) LW's punishment was remitted for an unstated reason. As it turns out, Horschman may have been no angel. In a different report dated November 1st, 1814 to June 7th, 1815, a bugler named Horschman is charged with "being out of barracks at tattoo", 100 lashes awarded, 25 inflicted. Also in this report, a bugler named Horschman is awarded 200 lashes "for being drunk on guard". In a report dated "from 6th June to 24th October 1814", a bugler named Horschman is charged with being "drunk on parade". Horschman's punishment of 100 lashes is reduced to "7 days confined".

Had LW been unhappy with his situation in Halifax? Was he acting out on hostilities he felt towards his situation? Had word come down about the land grant offer? Or was it this judgment itself that soured him on British military life and start him thinking about deserting again?

Use this link to view the full page.

The first image shows the page title and column headers. The second image shows the entry for L. Wauty. Click either to enlarge.

(In a similar report for the period September 26th, 1813 to June 24th, 1814,Wauty's name does not appear.)

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On November 29th, 1814, LW deserts for the third time.

Louis Joseph Wauthy, aka Lewis Wauty, deserts from the 7th/60th battalion of the British Army.

This record from the Pay Lists shows name, date and perhaps what is owed to "Lew. Wauty" at the time.

British Army Muster Books and Pay Lists, 1812-1817 at ancestry.co.uk. Piece 07088: 60th Foot 7th Battalion (1813-1815).

(Note to self: source needs to be revisited for column headers)

On this page (below) from a different register, entitled "RETURN of the Non-Commissioned Officers, Drummers, Fifes, and Privates, of the 7/60 Regiment of Foot who have died, deserted, been transferred to another Regiment, invalided, or become missing during the Month, from 25th November, to 24th December 1814, or whose death, &c, having happened previously, has been ascertained in the course of the Month.", Lewis Wauty's name appears. The page looks to be the summary of accounting for the people listed - what is credited (i.e. owed to them) and what to do with it.

Two notable items: place of birth is shown as Namur (which confirms for me that Lewis Wauty is indeed Louis Wauthy), and "trade when enlisted" being that of blacksmith. Was LW a blacksmith when he was drafted by the French, or did he learn the trade while in the French Army and declare himself so when he signed with the British, or did he learn the trade while part of the 7th/60th?

And the date of desertion is confirmed to be November 29th, 1814. Bottom right, Station: Halifax, NS.

(The snaky thing in the image is a soft weight of the kind researchers use to hold book pages open while photographing them or otherwise taking notes.)

The entry reads: "(under the command of) Captain Adolphus de Dumas; Private; Wauty, Lewis; Namur; blacksmith; deserted; 29 "ditto" (November, 1814).

This is the first I have seen that LW was a military blacksmith. One would be excused for thinking that he was involved with horses, but blacksmiths were the metal fabricators of their day. He could have been producing metal objects from scratch or fixing objects in need of repair, like rifles, for example. This would speak to LW being fit and strong (fully capable of beating up a bugler). And this skill would have great value outside of the military. Perhaps LW saw rosy economic opportunity radiating back at him from the red coals of the forge.

On December 3rd, 1814, just four days after LW deserted, a newspaper article written by an American was reprinted in the Acadian Reporter, Volume 2, Number 49. (The use of the long "s" can make it a bit hard to read. Long s's look like f's. A given word can have long and short s's.) The article speaks to the problem of desertion in the British Army, how those deserting were more often than not foreign recruits.

"Some of them are Frenchmen, who, according to their own account, were inveigled into the British Army in France, under pretences of fighting to restore the Bourbons, being attached to that dynasty; and were afterwards brought off against their consent." This may partly explain how the French were persuaded to join the British forces. With LW's Dutch/Belgian heritage, it might take a different lie to get him to change sides. And LW's reason could still have simply been to avoid prison camp.

Using the navigation tools at the NS Archives link (above) produces a more readable image. Other editions are nearby.

While wondering how LW might go about deserting in Halifax when he may well already have had access to the city on an on-duty and off-duty basis, I noticed this Acadian Recorder article..

This got me thinking that LW could have had contact with horses as a blacksmith and, on the pretext of doing his duty may have taken leave to deliver a horse somewhere. For a test drive after re-shoeing, or to a vet, perhaps. A blacksmith taking a horse somewhere was probably a common enough occurrence. Once he was off the base, he drops the horse at the stable of a William Raymur (could have been any stable) then he just keeps on going. A blacksmith might not be expected to work in uniform, so would not have had one on to ditch. Halifax, being a transportation hub, LW could have been out of the city within the hour on his way to who knows where.

The ad reads: "NOTICE. The person who left a SICILIAN STALLION at the stable of the subscriber (William Raymur, subscriber of the newspaper) some time since, is hereby notified, that, he will be sold at PUBLIC AUCTION by Daniel Fraser, on Wednesday next, at the stable where he now stands, to pay costs and keeping, and charges of advertising. &c. Dec. 3. WM. RAYMUR."

A Sicilian stallion? In Halifax? In 1814? (I sound like Robert Clotworthy.)

ChatGPT: "Sicilian stallions, often referred to as "Sicilian Barbs" or "Sicilian breed," were known for their quality and were used in various military and cavalry roles during the Napoleonic era, including by the British cavalry. While not as common as some other breeds, these stallions were appreciated for their strength, endurance, and suitability for military purposes. The British Army, like many other European armies of the time, recognized the value of different horse breeds and often used them based on their qualities and availability.

Sicilian stallions, with their Baroque and Andalusian ancestry, were noted for their elegance, agility, and stamina, making them desirable for both light and heavy cavalry regiments. They were especially appreciated for their ability to perform dressage and for their suitability in battle.

So, while they may not have been the most numerous or widespread choice, Sicilian stallions could indeed have been used by some units of the British cavalry during the Napoleonic era, including in 1814. The selection of horse breeds often depended on the specific roles and preferences of individual regiments and the availability of suitabl